The press freedom in Ukraine remains at moderate level despite Russia’s full-scale war; however, both Russian attacks on media and domestic pressure on journalists have intensified in 2026, as per the third civil society Shadow Report on Ukraine’s compliance with the Chapters 23 and 24 of the EU accession negotiation framework. The section on fundamental rights, freedom of expression, and press freedom was drafted by the Institute of Mass Information (IMI).

The third edition of the Shadow Report was presented in Kyiv on 23 September.

The document covers issues relating to the judicial system, the fight against corruption, fundamental rights, and justice.

The report was prepared by the Anti-Corruption Action Centre, Automaidan, the DEJURE Foundation, the MEZHA Anti-Corruption Centre, the Institute of Mass Information, the Media Initiative for Human Rights, the CO 100% Life, and independent expert Viktoria Khalanchuk.

The document covers the period from early October 2025 to mid-September 2026.

Russia’s aggression remains the primary threat to journalists

Russia’s full-scale invasion remains a defining factor for Ukraine’s media environment. Independent media continue to operate despite the hostilities, tracking war crimes, verifying information, combating disinformation, and engaging in investigative journalism.

In 2026, Ukraine moved up seven places (from 62 to 55 out of 180 states) in Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index. RSF described Ukraine as relatively exceptional among countries whose ranking improved despite ongoing war.

Still, Russian attacks remain the primary physical threat to journalists. Drone strikes targeting media professionals working in areas close to the front line have emerged as a particularly dangerous trend.

In 2025, three media workers were killed in Russian drone strikes specifically while reporting. French photojournalist Antoni Lallican was killed near Druzhkivka on 3 October, while war correspondent Alyona Hramova (Hubanova) and cameraman Yevhen Karmazin with Freedom TV were killed in a Lancet drone strike in Kramatorsk on 23 October.

These cases are prompting a reevaluation of traditional journalist safety protocols. Being clearly identifiable as a reporter, including wearing PRESS badges, can no longer be considered sufficient protection given the way FPV and Lancet-type drones have been used in the war.

According to data cited in the Shadow Report, IMI recorded 80 crimes against Ukrainian media and journalists committed by Russia during the reporting period.

At least 27 Ukrainian media workers remain imprisoned by Russia. One more journalist who had enlisted in the Defence Forces is also in a Russian jail.

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Domestic pressure on journalists increases

IMI recorded 82 press freedom violations committed by Ukrainian nationals during the reporting period. These included obstruction of lawful reporting, denial of access to information, death threats, cyberattacks, as well as indirect and judicial pressure.

This trend has been especially pronounced in 2026. In January–August alone, IMI recorded 69 violations by Ukrainian citizens and institutions, which is more than the number of offenses recorded over the entire year 2025. The instances of obstruction of reporting, denial of access to information, death threats, and judicial pressure have increased in numbers.

Investigative journalists remain at particular risk, especially those reporting on topics related to corruption and the work of government bodies. The high-profile cases recorded in IMI’s 2025 summary included stalking and pressure targeting journalists at hromadske, Bihus.Info, and The Kyiv Independent.

A situation involving Babel journalists gained significant traction in 2026. The journalists reported receiving death threats following their investigation into the non-combat deaths of new recruits at an army unit, and Ukraine’s media community has publicly demanded that these be investigated.

A particularly alarming precedent was set by a ruling issued by Kyiv’s Pecherskyi District Court on 6 July, which barred Slidstvo.Info, the Anti-Corruption Action Centre, and journalist Alina Stryzhak from releasing a then-upcoming investigation. The ban was imposed as an interim injunction even before the underlying claim had been filed.

IMI’s lawyers have said that this approach created a dangerous mechanism for chilling freedom of expression pre-emptively and could be used to curb journalistic investigations ahead of publication. They also pointed to features of this pressure that are characteristic of SLAPP tactics.

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Suspilne, regulation, and newsrooms’ resilience

Suspilne Broadcasting (NSTU) continues to operate despite systemic underfunding. In July 2026, civil society organisations, including IMI, called for 3.8 billion hryvnias to be allocated to fund Suspilne in 2027 — a figure calculated in line with the amount of funding stipulated by law.

As per media regulation, the terms of five of the eight members of the National Council of Television and Radio Broadcasting either expired or were due to expire over the monitoring period, raising questions regarding the regulator’s institutional stability. The media community is also concerned about the absence of consistent dialogue between the regulator and online media, and the lack of response to the market’s public calls for a set of predictable rules developed in partnership.

Financial and staffing problems have been increasingly affecting the resilience of Ukrainian media, as well. In an annual survey by IMI, media professionals reported mental exhaustion, financial struggles, Russian aggression, and staff shortages as the biggest challenges they faced. The draft, staff migration, declining revenues, and the need for relocation are taking an especially heavy toll on regional newsrooms and media outlets based close to the front line.

IMI recorded 33 instances of newsrooms and media infrastructure being damaged or destroyed in Russian strikes the first eight months of 2026 alone. A total of 338 Ukrainian media outlets have ceased or halted operations for war-related reasons since the start of the full-scale invasion.

IMI believes Ukraine needs to develop independent support programmes for media outlets of public importance, and that the EU should step up its support for independent Ukrainian media, including the public broadcaster.

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Changes to media law

The past year has also seen positive developments in terms of access to information. In September 2025, the Verkhovna Rada resumed livestreams of plenary sessions, and on 20 January 2026, a law opening press access to parliamentary committees entered into force, providing for online livestreams, free access to decisions and agendas, and journalists’ right to attend open committee meetings. Concurrently, Ukraine is adapting its media laws to bring them in line with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). A task force under the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Humanitarian and Information Policy, which includes representatives of media organisations, is working to draft amendments concerning the protection of journalists’ sources and confidential communications, transparency in state-sponsored advertising, and ensuring adequate guarantees for the functioning of public media and the state regulator, among other issues.

The independent Shadow Report on Chapters 23 and 24 of the EU accession negotiation framework is available in full in English.

The Ukrainian version of the report is available here.